‘Should I lose my voice, yours will remain’: Anthropological Reflections on Solidarity, the Space and the Practice.

by Alreem Alameri (she/her)

MSC LSE

arm.alameri(@gmail.com)

Anthways, 2024 © Alreem Alameri

DOI:10.5281/zenodo.13982348

Introduction

The ultimate, hidden truth of the world is that it is something that we make and could just as easily make differently.

David Graeber, 2015

This essay explores the Palestine solidarity movement and the broader concept of solidarity by examining various activities that have occurred in London since 7 October 2023. These solidarity actions include weekly national marches on Saturdays, student campus occupations, and educational events centred on the Palestine cause and solidarity. The primary aim is to investigate how public spaces are being transformed into arenas for political activism, emotional engagement, and knowledge production.

The first section of the essay offers a concise overview of the contributions made by anthropologists who have actively participated in solidarity movements throughout modern history, particularly during the 20th century. The second section examines the contemporary Palestine solidarity movement, looking at it from an anthropological perspective.

The Legacy of Engaged Anthropology, Reflexive Turn, and Repositioning

Despite anthropology’s controversial history—marked by its involvement in colonial projects and the propagation of stereotypes about cultures and races, particularly in the Global South—the discipline has played a constructive role in liberation movements since the mid-twentieth century. During this period, anthropologists have actively participated in a range of historical and contemporary protest movements, including anti-colonial struggles, civil rights movements, feminism, queer liberation, and AIDS activism.

Anthropologists’ involvement has gone beyond mere participation to encompass crucial roles in movement building, organising, planning, and advising on protest strategies and challenges to prevailing socio-political hierarchies. As Carles Feixa notes, anthropologists who participated in the Anti-austerity movement in Spain, also known as the 15-M Movement in 2011, assumed the role of ‘organic intellectuals.’ Feixa points out that, although anthropologists were once tangentially involved during the colonial era, they have now become key figures in shaping public discourse and guiding solidarity and liberation movements, serving as intermediaries between participants and a broader society.

In the context of the ongoing Palestine solidarity movement, which has been active for the past 11 months, teach-ins have emerged as a key educational initiative to raise awareness about the Palestinian cause. These teach-ins are being held in many different places as a form and practice of solidarity, with the aim of educating and informing people about the issues at hand.

Marshall Sahlins (1930–2021), the renowned anthropologist, introduced the concept of the teach-in in 1965 during the anti-Vietnam War movement. At the same time, sociocultural anthropologist Eric Wolf (1923–1999) was among the first to implement these teach-ins on American university campuses. Teach-ins are a form of non-violent protest that unite students and educators for study, reflection, and discussion. According to The New York Times Magazine, Sahlins conceived the idea in response to criticisms that educators were neglecting their responsibilities: “They say we’re neglecting our responsibilities as teachers. Let us show them how responsible we feel. Instead of teaching out, we’ll teach in—all night” (Gladys Perez, 2021).

Essentially, the teach-in functions as a form of protest, akin to the sit-in. Historically, teach-ins on U.S. campuses in the 1960s were instrumental in mobilising student activism—a role they continue to play effectively today.

Figure 1. LSE students held a sit-in at the Marshall Building on May 14, 2024, labeling it the ‘liberated zone’ and demanding divestment. (Photo by the author.)

Lastly, in the realm of engaged anthropology, Nina S. de Friedemann (1930–1998) is another pivotal figure. A distinguished anthropologist, she dedicated her career to advancing social justice in the communities she studied and lived in. Her research focused on the genocide and ethnocide of indigenous peoples in Colombia and highlighted the cultural contributions of Black populations to the country’s diverse identity. Friedemann also challenged the hegemonic structures that oppressed Black communities (Friedemann-Sánchez, 2022). As part of a cohort critically addressing colonialism, imperialism, and racism, she significantly contributed to the decolonisation of knowledge and the empowerment of marginalised communities, steering anthropology towards a more inclusive and representative paradigm.

Protest Anthropology of the 21st Century

Another form of anthropologists’ engagement with public issues, known as protest anthropology, involves not just aligning with protest movements but actively participating in them (Maskovsky, 2013). The late David Graeber (1961–2020) is probably the most prominent example of this approach. He played a significant role in the 2011 Occupy Wall Street Movement, which sought to address economic inequality and corruption in the U.S. Regardless of differing views on his ideas, Graeber’s impact is undeniable. Media outlets like Rolling Stone, Bloomberg Businessweek, and The Atlantic recognised him as a key figure, particularly for his support of the movement’s leaderless, horizontal decision-making approach. Graeber’s work effectively bridged anthropology with activism, bringing a distinctive form of ‘public intellectualism’ to the forefront of solidarity movements.

Similarly, the American Anthropological Association (AAA)—the world’s largest organisation of anthropologists—demonstrated its commitment to activism by endorsing a boycott of Israeli academic institutions and universities in support of the Palestine solidarity movement. This decision was made before the events of 7 October, when the AAA issued a statement calling for an end to ongoing violence, including the targeting of civilians and the destruction of essential infrastructure. The statement also highlights a substantial body of anthropological research that documents the various forms of structural and everyday violence inflicted by the Israeli government on the Palestinian population. These forms of violence include the continuous expansion of Israeli settlements into Palestinian lands, the demolition of Palestinian homes and villages, forced evictions, the use of walls and checkpoints to restrict movement, and the discriminatory treatment of Palestinian citizens within Israel.

Another notable form of symbolic activism and protest is the ‘die-in’. During the 2014 American Anthropological Association meeting, anthropologists and activists staged a die-in to support the Black Lives Matter movement. This performative act of solidarity extended beyond traditional academic settings. One participant described the experience, saying

dying, it turns out, changed everything. I died in that hotel so that we might be able to live. As I lay on that polished floor, feigning death, I heard a distant voice quoting a Dickens character recalling me to life. Dying in that lobby staunched the bleeding in my heart, patched it hastily, and returned it to me’.

Anthropology Now, 2015

This may exemplify the potential of symbolic actions to evoke emotions and lead to cognitive shifts among participants, as well as to forge new collective identities.

Post-October: An Upside Down World

On 7th October, an attack carried out by the Palestinian resistance group sent shockwaves across the globe. This operation broke the longstanding siege on Gaza, often described as ‘the largest prison on earth’ (Pappe, 2011). However, the attack led to the deaths of many Israelis and the capture of several hostages, who were taken to Gaza. In response, the Israeli military launched a vigorous retaliation, targeting both combatants and civilians indiscriminately, including children and women. Extensive violence, destruction of infrastructure, and strikes on schools and hospitals have sparked international condemnation and urgent calls to halt what many are describing as an ongoing genocide.

Figure 2. Students and local protesters demonstrating in front of the Israeli embassy on 9 October 2023. (Photo by the author)

It didn’t take long for many people to begin protesting and demanding a ceasefire. London, known for its history of protests and large peaceful marches, witnessed its first demonstration on 9th October 2023 (The Guardian 2023). Thousands of protesters gathered outside the Israeli embassy, calling for an end to the violence. I joined the protest alongside a group of university students and staff from LSE, King’s College, and other institutions. Before heading to the embassy, we met ironically in front of LSE’s large inverted globe—a symbolic representation of the world turned upside down. Although only three days had passed since the aggression began, I could already see a deep emotional impact on many of those I encountered that day. Their faces displayed a spectrum of emotions—confusion, anger, and distress.

Since 7th October, those participating in pro-Palestine demonstrations have been motivated by a belief that they are protesting against what they view as genocide, standing in solidarity with Palestinians who face oppression and hardship. A moving and powerful song, frequently heard during these marches, encapsulates this dedication: ‘Should I lose my voice, yours will remain. My eyes are on tomorrow, and my heart beats for you,’ and, as Maurice Bloch noted, ‘you can’t argue with a song’ (Bloch, 1974). These lyrics evoke a deep sense of collective unity, mutual responsibility, and solidarity—ideas explored by Durkheim—that can emerge on both local and global scales.

However, it is more accurate to describe the Palestine solidarity movement as political solidarity rather than social solidarity. Scholz (2008) defines political solidarity as ‘a unity of individuals who consciously work to oppose injustice, oppression, tyranny, or social vulnerability.’ In contrast to social solidarity, which is based on shared characteristics and social ties, political solidarity is driven by a collective commitment and moral duty to pursue social justice. In this form of solidarity, moral obligations come before social bonds. This distinction more accurately reflects the true essence of the movement in support of the Palestinian cause.

Figure 3. LSE faculty and students demonstrating in front of the Central Building on campus. (Photo by the author)

Public Spaces, Emotionas, and Solidarity

Solidarity does not assume that our struggles are the same struggles, or that our pain is the same pain, or that our hope is for the same future. Solidarity involves commitment, and work, as well as the recognition that even if we do not have the same feelings, or the same lives, or the same bodies, we do live on common ground.

Sara Ahmed, 2012

Emotions should be understood not just as psychological states but as cultural and social practices, a notion supported by many anthropologists (Lutz and Abu-Lughod, 1990). In their 2004 edited volume, Rethinking Social Movements: Structure, Meaning, and Emotion, Goodwin and Jasper call for increased attention to the affective dimensions of social and solidarity movements as essential for a research approach that does not impose fixed models on these movements. This is especially pertinent to the solidarity movement with Palestine, where emotions are intensely present and clearly serve as a powerful and pervasive element.

In this context, Julia Eckert writes that the ‘transformative force of solidarity’ is grounded not only in the struggle against injustices but also in its passionate and imaginative power to invent new institutions of care and support, thereby making the world otherwise (Eckert, 2020). Similarly, Elisabeth Kirtsoglou and Dimitrios Theodossopoulos (2018) emphasised the critical role of emotions such as pain, love, and empathy in solidarity movements. They describe empathy in particular as an ethical response that initially emerges as an affect and manifests itself through spontaneous bodily reactions to others, whether through marching, chanting, or other forms of expression.

The power of emotions in Palestine solidarity movements can often be observed in public spaces. Streets where national marches for Palestine take place, squares where events occur, and university campuses where students advocate for Palestine and call for BDS are all spaces where individuals come together, share their emotions, and imagine alternative realities. These spaces are continuously constructed and reconstructed by the collective efforts of communities, groups, and individuals, transcending the territorial, political, and cultural boundaries of any single nation-state.

Figure 4. A group of UCL students took over Jeremy Bentham Hall and declared it an Apartheid-Free Zone. The space was used for group discussions and learning about the Palestinian cause. (Photo by the author)

Conclusion

To conclude, anthropology has expanded beyond academia, with anthropologists engaging in public issues as both scholars and activists. In movements like the solidarity campaign for Palestine, the field offers valuable insights into how emotions, collective action, and symbolic activism drive and shape solidarity movements. Anthropology also highlights the significance of public spaces as dynamic sites for political practice, knowledge production, and emotional expression, where new realities and futures are imagined through the collective efforts of the people.

Through pictures

Figure 5. Public lecture by academic and author Eman Abdelhadi on solidarity, hope, and Palestine in London, June 2023. (Photo by the author)
Figure 6. A protest by LSE students and staff followed a court ruling to terminate their Solidarity Encampment with Palestine on 17 June 2023. (Photo by the author)
Figure 7. Public lecture by archivist Hazem Jamjoum on Palestine and the Colonial Survey at Pelican House, London, on 8 April. (Photo by the author)

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